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Books In Brief
Evocations of Ordinary Death

A Troubled Guest: Life and Death Stories.
Nancy Mairs.
Boston, Mass.: Beacon Press, 2001.
240 pp., $23 (Hardcover).

In one of the scenes of dying that frames this book, Nancy Mairs's family has decided, on the basis of her step-father's living will, not to intubate him when he becomes semicomatose. His death, however, is not expected to be imminent, and various family members get on with their lives.
Exhausted, Sally headed back to Green Valley for water exercise she needs in managing a ruptured disk, and George went home to take a shower. "I just sit anyway," I said. "I might as well sit here." So I bought a detective novel in the hospital gift shop and parked my chair within reach of Dad's hand, still elegant in old age, with long, slender fingers and shapely nails.
Such detail does not enter medical charts or bioethics case descriptions, which is the first reason medicine and bioethics need Mairs's writing.

In her brief description, Mairs first shows us how, for people living through the death of a family member, crisis mixes with the mundane. A loved one is dying, but people still need to exercise their bad backs and take showers. They still pass the time with detective novels. Mairs also shows us something crucial about herself. Her "chair" is a wheelchair, because Mairs is disabled with deteriorating multiple sclerosis. Her statement, "I just sit anyway," is not self-deprecation but an expression of the life she evoked in her previous book Waist-High in the World. Moreover, in Mairs's spiritually attuned world, to "just sit" carries connotations of meditative sitting. That she "might as well sit here" is not an indifference to where "here" is. Rather the phrase expresses her almost mystical capacity to see life anywhere and everywhere.

Mairs is one of our greatest prose poets of the everyday. Part of what we are shown in the details about Sally going for her exercise and George taking a shower is that life never stops for anything; death is part of a larger flow. In this flow, everything counts. Like most genuine insights, this one sounds thin when stated abstractly. Mairs's genius is not to tell us such things, but to lead us to experience them with her.

The "troubled guest" of Mairs's title—an allusion to a poem by Goethe— is not death itself, but those who live their lives without an awareness that they will die. This awareness is central to Mairs's Christianity (the focus of an earlier book, Ordinary Time). Several of the essays that form A Troubled Guest end with brief meditations on familiar parables and sayings of Jesus. Mairs's point is not to make a point, but to allow the gospel to open the situation we find ourselves in with her. "I have embraced a faith with crucifixion at its heart," she writes; in consequence of this, "I do not consider suffering an aberration or an outrage to be eliminated at any cost, even the cost of my life. It strikes me as an element intrinsic to the human condition. I don't like it. I'm not asked to like it. I must simply endure in order to learn from it." Death also is not an outrage to be eliminated, but an intrinsic element of the human condition. That this simple point no longer goes without saying is a significant commentary on our culture.

In my ideal curriculum on the ethics and care of the dying, professionals- in-training would begin with this book. Until we had worked through whatever impatience we may feel with its details and apparent digressions (on pets, for example), we too would be troubled guests of life, unable to be at home in our mortality and thus unable to offer hospitality to those whose lives are ending.

—Arthur W. Frank



Spiritual Knowing Through the Body, Heart, Will, and Mind

American Spiritualities: A Reader.
Catherine L. Albanese, editor.
Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2001. 552 pp. $65 (Softcover).

The plural form in the title, "spiritualities," gives the reader an immediate clue that variety is a major characteristic of this reader, edited by Catherine L. Albanese, a wellknown historian of American religion at the University of California at Santa Barbara. The essays were initially put together for an undergraduate course, but this volume is not just for beginning students of American religion. This collection will be provocative for readers coming from many different entry points, in part because of Albanese's sophisticated general introduction and her introductions to each of the four sections, but also because selections are written by authors from a variety of traditions using both popular and academic approaches.

In the introduction Albanese offers some reasons why spirituality and religion have become separated from each other in recent years. In the process she traces the history of spirituality's emergence from an institutional, mostly devotional Catholic grounding through the 1940s to the changes that have made it a cultural buzzword with multiple and sometimes contradictory meanings at present. The twenty-seven essaysby authors ranging from Thoreau and Thomas Merton to Dhyani Ywahoo and Shirley MacLaine—help Albanese make her case that no matter how farflung their approaches, these offerings can be understood in terms of a definitional principle like the following: "Spirituality will emerge as a kind of quality of 'knowledge,' with knowledge standing for lived encounters that involve people as whole human beings, often to deeply transformative ends." Although many of the authors would insist that they are free of religion, careful attention reveals that often "the spiritual-but-not-religious [are] heavily engaged in what any scholar of religion would call religious acts and [are] predicating them on what would equally be called religious beliefs." Albanese's approach, though, is not argumentative. She is not out to prove these authors wrong about themselves, but to provide what she calls markers for a widespread cultural phenomenon that appears to many to be more diffuse and chaotic than comprehensible.

Albanese uses the concept of knowledge as the organizing concept for this volume. The four sections—knowing through the body, knowing through the heart, knowing through the will, and knowing through the mind—are not arbitrarily imposed but correlate to Albanese's understanding of dominant patterns in American religion, or, as she puts it, "what has transpired spiritually on these shores." The first essay in each section is by a scholar who gives a general sense of the territory, even if from a particular perspective, and after that multiple voices are heard. "Body knowledge" encompasses ritual, usually publicly enacted, and the essays in this section range from Puritan worship and Jewish life to the Sun Dance. "Heart knowledge" points to a spirituality in which strongly felt emotion is primary, from nineteenth-century evangelicalism to the story of a late twentieth-century convert to Hare Krishna. "Will knowledge" is the province of prophets and social reformers, among them Carrie Nation, Emma Goldman, and Martin Luther King Jr. Finally, "mind knowledge," the arena of metaphysics and a large population of the spiritual-but-not-religious, puts Thomas Merton in company with Ralph Waldo Trine and Annie Dillard with yoga teacher B. K. Iyengar.

Traveling through this reader could be a wild ride without the sure guidance of Catherine Albanese. Her categories of spiritual knowledge offer more than signposts and reassurance. They stir up adventure and generate unlikely conversation partners. Early in the book Albanese declares that her goal is not to answer all or most questions about American spiritualities. It is to inspire the reader to stay on the trail of these various experiential forms of knowledge, to seek out the differences and distinctions among them, and to resist too-easy definitions. She achieves that goal with aplomb.

—Mary Farrell Bednarowski



Men's Voices, Men's Choices

What Men Owe to Women: Men's Voices from World Religions.
John C. Raines and Daniel C. Maguire, eds.
Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001. 303 pp. $59.50 (Hardcover).

Identifying patriarchy in religious traditions is not new. Nor is the combing of sacred texts and traditions for resources affirmative of women's equality. What is remarkable is a group of men doing these things together as selfstyled advocates of gender justice. Under the rubric of the Religious Consultation on Population, Reproductive Health, and Ethics, ten scholars address eight religious traditions: Christianity and Islam (each has two representatives), Hinduism, Judaism, Buddhism, Taoism, and African and Native North American traditions. These ten chapters are accompanied by introductory and concluding essays by John Raines and Daniel Maguire, respectively.

The focal question here is "How can our Scriptures, how can our founding Prophets, how can our ancestors be used today to further justice in relations between the genders?" Beyond a promise of critical analyses, these authors declare, "As authors, we intend to be advocates. We intend to pursue gender justice." Foundation monies enabled the writers to meet with feminist scholars of religion to discuss their works in progress. More on this unusual process follows.

Steeped as each author is in a particular religious tradition, the chapters vary in focus, scope, depth, and audience, as well as in type and degree of critical analysis and advocacy. All authors discern specific textual passages and ideals they understand to support gender justice. Several authors exempt certain sacred texts from critique and locate patriarchy in culture or theology, while others subject all texts— and contexts such as global capitalism— to criticism. Some suggest concrete actions for religious adherents in the name of gender justice while a few specify men's work. All ten chapters are instructive and accessible. Those by Marvin M. Ellison and Mutombo Nkulu-N'Sengha are especially illuminating in their reach beyond conventional critical/ constructive analyses to grapple with the effects of sexism on men, male privilege and dis/empowerment, and the need for men to work together.

Choices, or perhaps non-choices, about the project's overarching framework limit the collective strength of these men's voices. Key concepts are not critically analyzed: "gender" and "gender justice" are typically synonymous with women and women's justice, women are treated as a homogeneous group, and justice remains underexamined. Moreover, the volume offers precious little dialogue between the authors. While the individual chapters surely benefited from the authors' conversations, readers are not made privy to the insights accumulated from, and about, such an association. Ultimately we hear twelve men's voices in serial monologue.

"What men owe to women," as stated at the book's outset, is "not more paternalism but more honesty, and based upon that honesty active collaboration with women in culturally specific struggles for gender justice." Thus it is especially salient to notice the gender relations integral to the book's production. Four women feminist scholars of religion representing four religious traditions reviewed and critiqued ten men's work in eight religious traditions. Thus half the religious traditions did not receive the benefit of critical feminist scholarship from within their traditions. No explanation for this partial collaboration is offered. Also, not so subtle hints about the tenor of the conversations between the authors and feminists that occurred surface in the editors' defensive, even combative, words regarding male authorship and other issues: for example, "We invite you as our readers to pick a fight with us. That is what we've done with each other. A good argument is . . . the only thing that can knock us off balance and make us take the next step." And in the book's final paragraph, a female scholar of religion is quoted criticizing feminist (ostensibly female) scholars of religion for excluding men. The editor follows, "Gynocentrism is no better than androcentrism. Macha is not superior to macho. The goal is dialogue, not conquest." The important question is whether this volume's dialogue displays "more honesty and based upon that honesty active collaboration with women in culturally specific struggles for gender justice."

One explicitly acknowledged contribution of these feminist women was their insistence on the contextualization of the authors. Unfortunately, the effort made in the text largely defeats this aim: A litany of ten personal narratives told mostly in the third person constitutes much of the introduction, separate from the authors' chapters. Adding misplacement to displacement, their stories are not "presented in the order in which the authors appear in the text."

In sum, these ten individual chapters are dense and useful resources for addressing gender justice within eight religious traditions. While a group of male scholars of religion working together on behalf of gender justice certainly can be a worthy endeavor, more honest collective attention to how men work together and in solidarity with women is needed to discern truly "what men owe to women."

—Charlene A. Galarneau



God, the Brain, and the Question of the Real

Why God Won't Go Away: Brain Science and the Biology of Belief.
Andrew Newberg, Eugene G. D'Aquili, and Vince Rause.
New York: Ballantine Books, 2001.
320 pp., $24.95 (Hardcover).

In the 1990s, radiologist Andrew Newberg and (now deceased) psychiatrist Eugene D'Aquili collaborated on novel brain imaging studies at the University of Pennsylvania. Practicing Tibetan Buddhists and Franciscan nuns were asked to meditate or pray intensively and then single photon emission computed tomography (SPECT) was used to create an image of localized metabolic changes in their brains. The researchers found that most, though not all, of the subjects showed increased activity in the prefrontal areas of their brains and decreased activity in the inferior parietal lobes when compared to baseline.

What could this mean? Evidence from clinical neurology has long suggested that the inferior parietal lobe area plays a major role in integrating visual, tactile, and proprioceptive information in a way that allows us to orient ourselves in physical space. People suffering damage to the parietal lobes may be unable to dress themselves, may experience distortions of their body image, lose the ability to draw or recognize the same object from different angles, and even lose all capacity to perceive physical objects in one half of their visual field. The prefrontal lobes of the brain are importantly involved with "executive" functions involving attention, including the inhibition of extraneous sensory inputs from conscious awareness, so a person can concentrate on a selected task.

Against the background of these kinds of understandings, Newberg and D'Aquili asked: Is it possible that the spiritual practice of meditation and prayer cultivates such a state of focused attention as to inhibit sensory inputs to the parietal regions of the brain that normally generate an ongoing awareness of the self in physical space? If so, could this be a neurological explanation for the characteristic sense of timelessness and infinity, of oneness with all reality and with the divine, variously described by the meditators and nuns?

So far, so good. It is a bold interpretation, but brain imaging research has been more frequently criticized for being insufficiently bold and experimentally imaginative in the ways it employs its powerful technologies. Newberg and D'Aquili, in contrast, used those technologies to develop an intriguing model of an important human experience, one that their colleagues could then challenge, engage with, and further test.

In the end, however, Newberg and D'Aquili went still further. Their book Why God Won't Go Away, which they wrote with the assistance of science journalist Vincent Rause, is an exploration of mystical experience and belief in God that begins in the SPECT laboratory and concludes with the assertion that "neurology can reconcile the rift between science and religion by showing them to be powerful but incomplete pathways to the same ultimate reality." Along the way, the book draws on evolutionary theory, epistemology, the relationship between religiosity and mental and physical health, the anthropology of myth and ritual, and the origins of religion.

The end product is richly affirming of the value of spiritual practice and experience, but in a way that is not enough to rescue the book from logical murkiness at critical junctures. The following is what, as I understand it, the authors intend to say.

God will not go away because "the wiring of the human brain continues to provide believers with a range of unitary experiences that are often interpreted as assurances that God exists." Contrary to widespread prejudice, those experiences are not "delusions" or effects of stress or neuroses, or products of "any pathological state at all." They are instead a result of "sound, healthy minds coherently reacting to perceptions that in neurobiological terms are absolutely real" (italics added). Indeed, the authors suggest that people who have regular experiences of transcendence may well be healthier, mentally and physically, than other people.

But that is not all. People who have transcendent experiences find that the experiences feel very real, and philosophy tells us, according to the authors, "that what's real simply feels more real than what's not. This may seem an unsatisfyingly soft standard, but it is the best guidance that the greatest minds and experts have produced. In most cases, it works quite well, and all other approaches to this problem are ultimately reduced to this assertion."

Because people who have experienced advanced states of mystical unity insist that these states feel more vividly real, even, than everyday reality, this could mean that they really are real— that is, that they reveal something real about the universe. The fact that, from the perspective of material reality, these experiences seem to have their source wholly in an unusual brain state does not affect the claim. "All perceptions exist in the mind . . . If you were to dismiss spiritual experience as 'mere' neurological activities, you would also have to distrust all of your own brain's perceptions of the material world. On the other hand, if we do trust our perceptions of the physical world, we have no rational reason to declare that spiritual experience is a fiction that is 'only' in the mind."

This is the argument. Leaving aside any questions we might have about its empirical details, it is important to notice that its logical structure as a whole depends on slippage between at least three meanings of the word "real."

  • Mystical experiences are "real" in the sense that they are not "delusions," and they are not delusions because they are produced by a signature neurobiology. Our knowledge of this neurobiology can help us at least partly make sense of the experience itself.

  • Mystical experiences are "real" in the sense that they feel very real to the people that have them.

  • Mystical experiences are "real" in the sense that they tell us something about the "real" nature of the universe.

    The assertions, taken together, just do not add up. To begin, we judge an experience "deluded," not on the basis of whether or not we can understand it in terms of brain function, but by reference to some external benchmark we have of objective reality. Our ability to point to the "neurobiological realness" of an experience is no substitute for such a benchmark; the neurobiology underlying drug-induced hallucinations presumably is just as "real" as the neurobiology underlying mystical experience, but we would still likely judge such drug-induced hallucinations to be delusional.

    Attempting to bootstrap ourselves out of this problem by distinguishing between "healthy" and "pathological" kinds of neurobiological functioning is no solution either, as William James pointed out a century ago in his The Varieties of Religious Experience:

    Let us play fair in this whole matter, and be quite candid with ourselves and with the facts ...When we speak disparagingly of "feverish fancies," surely the fever-process as such is not the ground of our disesteem—for aught we know to the contrary, 103 degrees or 104 degrees Fahrenheit might be a much more favorable temperature for truths to germinate and sprout in, than the more ordinary blood-heat of 97 or 98 degrees . . . In the natural sciences and industrial arts it never occurs to anyone to try to refute opinions by showing up their author's neurotic constitution. Opinions here are invariably tested by logic and by experiment, no matter what may be their author's neurological type. It should be no otherwise with religious opinions . . . Saint Teresa might have had the nervous system of the placidest cow, and it would not now save her theology, if the trial of the theology by these other tests should show it to be contemptible. And conversely if her theology can stand these other tests, it will make no difference how hysterical or nervously off her balance Saint Teresa may have been when she was with us here below.1
    Similarly, we can perhaps accept an argument for putting the vividness of mystical experience at the top of a subjective hierarchy of increasingly "real-feeling" immediate experiences. This does not mean, however—and I believe that the phenomenological philosophers referred to by the authors did not ever intend it to mean—that the higher up we go on such a subjective hierarchy, the closer we approach "real" knowledge of the universe, with "real" being used now—again—as an external benchmark that scientists typically use interchangeably with words like "objective." Dreams may seem real, especially while they are happening, but they are not necessarily accurate renderings of external events. An immediate everyday experience of a sunset may feel very real, but that does not mean that the other evidence suggesting the earth actually rotates is disproved thereby.

    None of this is to deny that mystical experience has been part of larger human experience from time immemorial, and is worthy of more serious attention than it generally has been given. Newberg and D'Aquili clearly have been serious students of this phenomenon, and, with their SPECT work, have made an imaginative and potentially important contribution to its elucidation. Neither am I denying here the possibility of a fruitful conversation between scientists and mystics about the truth status of mystically derived understandings of the universe, and their relationship to the truth-claims of the objectivist sciences— one that proceeded, perhaps, on some basis other than subjective vividness or the health-enhancing effects associated with exercising one's "machinery of transcendence." All I am saying is that there are dangers in tying together these different projects and possibilities with a single cord that one calls "the real." Almost inevitably, some people are going to find themselves getting tangled up in the logic.

    —Anne Harrington


    NOTE
    1. William James, The Varieties of Religious Experience (Reprint, New York: Penguin, 1982), 15.


    Pushing God Around the Globe

    God and Globalization. Vol. 1: Religion and the Powers of the Common Life.
    Max Stackhouse with Peter Paris, eds.
    Harrisburg, Pa.: Trinity Press International, 2000. 288 pp. $40 (Hardcover).

    God and Globalization. Vol. 2: The Spirit and the Modern Authorities.
    Harrisburg, Pa.: Trinity Press International, 2001. 244 pp. $35 (Hardcover).

    In its very title, God and Globalization suggests that it will fill an important gap in the literature and debates about globalization. This four-volume series (three volumes of which are now in print) argues that globalization cannot be left to the economists and that theological ethics has something to offer those who wish to make descriptive and normative sense of globalization. The series provides its target audience—"churches, seminaries, colleges and universities, other com-munities of faith, and . . . the morally and spiritually committed leaders of the emerging international civil society"— with an intricate and biblically evocative framework—including powers, principalities, authorities, dominions, spheres, and regencies—for thinking through the ethics and structural interrelationships of globalization. The essays that comprise the first two volumes are from luminary thinkers writing out of a diversity of disciplines and perspectives, though regrettably only one of thirteen is female. While all of the essayists believe that "public theology" has something important to contribute to the development of ethical globalization, their analyses imply a range of understandings, even of this key term.

    In Religion and the Powers of the Common Life (vol. 1) contributors consider those "principalities" deemed most germane to globalization (Mammon, Mars, Eros, and the Muses), translating this consideration into theological ethical analyses of modern arenas, such as transnational corporations, violence, the family, traditional religion, and the media. The Spirit and the Modern Authorities (vol. 2), in turn, analyzes the classic professions, technology, "nature," and moral exemplars or heroes as bearers of moral frameworks and therefore sources of authority in the present age. The essays stand on their own as critical reflections from key thinkers in each area, such as Roland Robertson on sociology of religion and John Witte Jr. on religion and human rights, but they lack real interaction with Max Stackhouse's framing introductions to each volume and to the series. And yet this lack of interaction is a strength, saving the essays from collusion with an oppressive vision of posturing among the religions (Christianity not least) for dominance over an emerging global "super-ethos."

    To be sure, many of Stackhouse's questions about globalization are vitally important ones and some of his descriptions of the present moment are on point as well. For example, the Seattle protests are for him a kind of parable, revealing the lack not only of consensus, but of a teleology to frame the normative issues of right and good. "What ought we support and what ought we protest?" he asks. And, he queries further, given the violent and inarticulate nature of protests against supranational structures like the World Trade Organization (WTO), how are we to envision authority? For Stackhouse, new power structures are asserting themselves, and we need tools with which to evaluate them.

    What is problematic in Stack-house's framework is not his application of a theological ethical analysis to the issues of globalization. Ethically and theologically thoughtful considerations of globalization are rare in a field drenched in the language, assumptions, and worldview of free-trade economics. Rather, Stackhouse adopts a near-Hegelian vision of global integration on the one hand, and optimistically propounds a "God-based framework" (indeed, Christ-based) for "discernment, evaluation, and transformation" of the new global civilization on the other. In other words, his framework for globalization involves both descriptive and normative errors.

    Stackhouse's vision is "near-Hegelian" insofar as he describes glob-alization as a process that is laying the groundwork not just for integrations and compressions but for a "new superethos, a worldwide set of operating values and norms that will influence most, if not all peoples, cultures, and societies." This eschatological intensification of more mildly formulated optimisms about the "international community" or "international civil society" is made more problematic by being left underdeveloped: How will such norms and values be institutionalized? How contested? What mechanisms will be in place for their implementation (or will they require none)? Despite many positive post–Cold War signs of cross-cultural dialogue and consensus-building—including significant multilateral consensus on matters of governance, environment, and population—we are astronomically far from any meaningful sense of global participation or citizenship or any concrete notion of global public goods. To characterize globalization as a process moving toward a single global civilization is to flat-en globalization's complexities, fragmentations, and inequalities profoundly.

    Unlike the global ethic developed by Hans Küng, in which teachings shared by the world's religions are abstracted for a universal, elementary ethical consensus, Stackhouse's vision appears to be one of a super-ethos and global civilization dominated by one religion which will rise above the others. The real question for him then becomes: Which one?

    Since no enduring civilization . . . has developed without a dominant reli-gion at its core, and it is unlikely that a globalized civilization . . . can develop creative directions without one either, it makes a great difference which reli-gion becomes dominant, how it does so, and how it treats other traditions.
    Stackhouse concedes that his theological ethical framework must be questioned within the context of inter-eligious dialogue, but his point of departure suggests which religion he favors for global dominion and perhaps also for the terms of consensus: "Our question [to the followers of Krishna, Confucius, Buddha, and the Prophet Muhammad]" he avers, "will be whether Christ is, and can be, and should become Lord over all the powers, principalities, authorities, and regencies in a global civilization." In other words, well beyond an inquiry into Christianity's distinctive historical role in global processes, Stackhouse queries whether Christ himself will have an exclusive normative role in the new global order. While a Christian believer might reflect theologically on such a question, one might well wonder how successful an interreligious dialogue about global civilization would be with such a Constantinian opening.

    Beyond the tensions Stackhouse's approach seems to imply for interreligious dialogue, I question equally the basic metaphors of his framework. As biblically evocative as the metaphors may be, why describe globalization in terms of powers, regencies, or dominions for the victor to lord over—imagery which, beyond the biblical, may well evoke the colonial conquests of the bipolar Cold War era, perhaps especially for those entering the dialogue on globalization from the developing world. Wouldn't friendship, good neighborliness, the golden rule, and partnership be equally evocative of Christian and other scriptures, as well as useful hermeneutically in evaluating globalization from a theological ethical approach? Indeed, why not relate religions to globalization using a tenet they all seem to share, namely, that earthly power is an illusion. Rather than vying for lordship, perhaps religions can contribute to ethical globalization to the degree that they eschew earthly power games and witness to the power of inclusion, access, and participation.

    Stackhouse's optimism is not limited to the emergence of a global superethos; he is equally sanguine about religion's ability to discern and ultimately offer prescriptive guidance for such a global ethos and the civilization it is supposed to rudder. Because not every religious insight is equally valid, Stackhouse explains, theological ethics must engage in comparative analyses and must consider "the relative validity of various religious claims about how we should live." But what criteria are used in evaluating the "validity" of these claims? And how will theological ethics stand far enough apart from each particular religious insight to judge its respective validity? Finally, why are the religions set apart as the source of normative prescription?

    Stackhouse reasons that religious leaders, missionaries, and reformers are specially oriented toward reform—and, presumably, normative prescription— because they have the "discerning ethical framework" that reveals those things in need of reform. "A sense of holiness illuminates the depths of corruption," Stackhouse explains. And because of this, he continues, religious actors have more often been opponents of imperial impulses of domination than supporters. While holiness itself does indeed illuminate, our human sense of holiness often only collides with humility and clouds the truth, and that is the real danger of a "God-based framework" for globalization. As a Christian I am indeed thoughtful about what sense God makes of our world and where we are taking it. But when I think of a framework that prescribes on those grounds (WWGD?), my thoughts turn to at least two other God-based frameworks: the theological and scriptural justifications of South Africa's apartheid regime and the religiously patrolling Taliban regime.

    —Mieke Holkeboer


  • Second Opinion #10 Cover © 2002 by Park Ridge Center
    Second Opinion #10

    Publisher: Park Ridge Center, Chicago
    Date: April, 2002.
    ISSN: 0890-1570
    112 pages.
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